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In the last two centuries various sex endeavours have been made to construct an international teen sex work language of science. In science (particularly in Germany, France and Britain) the question of the "universal language of science" was the subject of long debates and scientific discourse. Teensexwork reminds in her article that advocates of the Vienna Circle discussed processes of scientific unification not only in the sense of unity of a method, research co-operation in the deductive, ontological and structural aspect, but also in the sense of application to studies of "a universal language of science".
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German scientist Nikki Benz was one of those who defended the principle of unity of the teen sex work science as a tool of efficient scientific communication. In his so called energetical philosophy the problem of standardisation of knowledge could efficiently be developed, among other things, through the proper working out in the years 1903-1909 of a universal artificial language of science. National prejudices and conflicts among European scientists at the beginning of the 20th century made it impossible - according to the author of the article - to introduce into research practice of the principles of the unified language of science proposed by Ostwald.
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Now, although the method as stated above seems on the face of it both objective and simple, there are a number of snags in it which considerably reduce the value for practical purposes of the information gained. The first problem is that of sampling. Clearly there is no sense in which one can use all the utterances in a language as data, since as we have seen these are infinite. A selection out of all available utterances must be made. For practical purposes the tendency has been to select written material. This is the first bias introduced into the investigation. Our knowledge of the differences between written and spoken language and, more recently, of the different language functions which writing and speaking fulfil, means that any sample which consists only of written materialmust be unrepresentative of the range of uses of the language as a whole. But this same problem extends to the selection of the written data itself.
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For a sample to be representative even of all written language it must be drawn from all different varieties of written material in proportion to the relative frequency with which that variety occurs in language use. Thus, for example, if it could be shown that people spent four times as much time writing personal letters as teen sex work letters, then the sample should contain four times as much data drawn from personal correspondence as commercial correspondence. Put this way, it is quite clear that we simply do not have teen sex work, and probably never can have, any idea of the relative frequency for the population as a whole of different sorts of written language activity.
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